Debt Transparency in Developing Economies

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Debt Transparency in Developing Economies

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  • 00:11 [Indermit Gill] Hello, everyone. Welcome to this discussion.  
  • 00:18 My name is Indermit Gill, and I work in the  growth, finance, and institutions practice  
  • 00:22 group for The World Bank. Well, we have a real  treat for you today. Our president, David Malpass,  
  • 00:27 will lead a discussion with a star-studded  panel. And it's fitting that David leads  
  • 00:32 this discussion because he's been a tireless and  vocal leader on this issue of debt transparency  
  • 00:40 since he became president two and a half  years ago. It's fitting also that we'll have  
  • 00:44 four top notch experts on the panel, and  that David will actually introduce them...  
  • 00:55 Why this issue is so important. And this is an  easy job for me because our macroeconomics global  
  • 01:01 practice has just published an excellent report  called Debt Transparency in Developing Economies.  
  • 01:06 And I can say it is excellent because  I cannot take any credit for it.  
  • 01:10 The credit should go to David for championing the  calls and to Marcello Estevão, Dorcha Domelin,  
  • 01:16 Diego de Verti, and the team in the macroeconomics  global practice for actually producing the report.
  • 01:22 And we released the report yesterday and you  can easily find it if you just Google, "Debt  
  • 01:27 Transparency in Developing Economies." So what  I want to do now is to give you a three-minute  
  • 01:32 summary of the report, both as an ice breaker  and as an appetizer, because we are hoping that  
  • 01:37 you will read that report. And like I said, it's  excellent, and it's excellent for three reasons.  
  • 01:42 So first it is excellent because it  has some startling statistics that'll  
  • 01:46 make you sit up and pay attention.  So I'm going to cite just a few.
  • 01:50 The first one is that 40% of low income countries  have not published any sovereign debt data during  
  • 01:56 the last two years. The second one is that public  debt data, when reconciled, have sometimes shown  
  • 02:03 huge discrepancies of up to 30% of GDP. The  third one is that 15 low income countries  
  • 02:10 have collateralized debt, but no details of  the terms are published. And this can often  
  • 02:17 lead really quickly to debt distress when some  of this information actually comes in view.  
  • 02:26 So for example, in 2016, when loans totaling more  than a billion dollars was suddenly revealed in  
  • 02:34 Mozambique, that was nearly 10% of the country's  GDP, it plunged the country into debt distress.
  • 02:43 So we have about 12 countries that are now in  debt distress, and about 44 countries that are  
  • 02:49 at high risk of it. We don't know how many  of these would actually be in distress if all  
  • 02:54 of their debts were revealed, right? Now,  poor countries have huge financing needs,  
  • 02:59 and these will be met mostly through debt. So by  one measure, these financing needs total nearly  
  • 03:04 half a trillion dollars between 2023 and 2025.  Without debt transparency, such big sums mean  
  • 03:13 big dangers, so that's the first reason. The  second reason the report is excellent because  
  • 03:18 it outlines a very practical way to think about  debt transparency. It says that debt transparency  
  • 03:24 has three aspects. The first one is transparency  in operations. Second is transparency in legal  
  • 03:30 management. And the third one is transparency  in reporting, especially the third one is very  
  • 03:34 important. And there are three parties that  can make debt transparent or keep it obscure.  
  • 03:40 The first one, of course, are borrow governments  and state own firms, both at the center  
  • 03:44 and subnational levels. The second has to be the  folks who actually give this debt. These are the  
  • 03:51 creditors, both public and private. And then the  third one are international financial institutions  
  • 03:57 like The World Bank and the IMF. Now  finally, the report is excellent because,  
  • 04:04 for the first time, it proposes the high and  medium and low priority measures that borrowers,  
  • 04:10 governments, and IFIs can take. So I will just  list the five or six high priority measures,  
  • 04:21 some to be taken by borrowers,  and three to be taken by IFI.
  • 04:25 So to increase transparency in debt reporting,  governments should publish core public and  
  • 04:31 publicly guaranteed debt statistics  regularly. They should also limit and  
  • 04:36 define the scope of confidentiality clauses.  To increase transparency in debt operations,  
  • 04:43 borrowers should adopt market-based  issuing mechanisms for domestic debt  
  • 04:48 and adopt strict criteria for approving resource  backed loans. To increase transparency in debt  
  • 04:55 management, governments should define criteria for  authority to contract debt or to issue guarantees,  
  • 05:01 and specify responsibilities  of units in charge of executing  
  • 05:06 debt operations, and publish a list of allowed  instruments, transactions, and funding sources.  
  • 05:13 By the same token, what IFIs can do is to  consolidate that debt databases and support  
  • 05:20 the implementation of integrated debt recording  and management systems. It's a big agenda,  
  • 05:27 and I've talked for a long time. But because it's  a big agenda, I'm going to hand the mic over to  
  • 05:32 the big guys. So over to you, David. [David Malpass] 
  • 05:35 Thanks very much, Indermit. Good summary, and  it's an important report. We've got a panel,  
  • 05:41 a great panel. Carmen Reinhart, chief economist  to The World Bank group, my colleague. Also,  
  • 05:46 Lee Buchheit, who is one of the world's most  experienced sovereign debt restructuring experts.  
  • 05:52 Joyce Chang, global chair of research at JP  Morgan. And Paul Gruenwald, chief economist at S&P  
  • 05:59 Global Ratings. Just as a start in, I want  to make the point that the world actually  
  • 06:05 is very challenging. I'm just back from the G20  Leaders' Summit in Rome. And I made the point,  
  • 06:11 as others did, that we faced not only the  pandemic, but also rising inflation in a lot  
  • 06:18 of countries. The supply chain challenges, the  energy crisis in Europe, the rise in oil prices  
  • 06:24 and other energy prices that's putting inflation  into developing countries. Very challenging  
  • 06:30 from a debt standpoint in developing countries. That's the focus of our conversation today.  
  • 06:35 The World Bank is deeply engaged in the  issues of debt in developing countries  
  • 06:41 with the purpose being to try to have more growth  rates in developing countries, faster growth  
  • 06:48 and better connection between investments and the  debt that goes along with those investments. This  
  • 06:55 is made more challenging by the size of the debt.  We did a report a month or so ago that showed $860  
  • 07:03 billion of debt in the low income countries. So  even the poorest countries in the world have $860  
  • 07:10 billion of debt, external debt, not counting  their bank debt that the governments take out  
  • 07:16 inside their own countries. This is giant. And the  report that just came out yesterday shows this,  
  • 07:22 as Indermit was describing, 30% hidden debt, if  we want to call it that. Or debt that's not really  
  • 07:28 fully recorded in the various statistics that are  kept track of. This is at a time when the world,  
  • 07:34 many of the countries, and Joyce  was telling our group just before  
  • 07:38 we came on here, that there are rate hikes in  quite a few of the developing countries already. 
  • 07:43 So this puts added strain on the economic outlook,  but it also means that countries are able to begin  
  • 07:51 adjusting to the new inflation environment  that's out there. So I hope what we can do  
  • 07:58 to today is focus on debt transparency, whether  it's important, what the aspects of that are, and  
  • 08:07 how the debt challenge can work its way through  the system over the next five years. We're all  
  • 08:13 trying to avoid a lost decade from the  standpoint of debt. So with that, let me  
  • 08:20 go first to a question to Joyce. As I mentioned,  Joyce is Global Chair of Research at JP Morgan,  
  • 08:28 and a friend for a long time, and engaged daily in  markets. So how do you think about transparency?  
  • 08:37 Is it important as you analyze the prospects for  a country? And this idea that there might be 30%  
  • 08:44 more debt than is actually being recorded? How  does that affect your thinking about various  
  • 08:49 markets? Thanks for joining, Joyce. [Joyce Chang] 
  • 08:52 No. Thank you, David, for having me. And it's  great to be with just so many experts who've  
  • 08:56 looked at this topic. I mean, the transparency  is really important to the private sector. And  
  • 09:01 I think one of the issues when the common  framework was rolled out was that there was  
  • 09:06 a sense that there was a lot of stalling and  no information sharing. And that made the whole  
  • 09:11 discussion about voluntary mechanisms, I think,  very hard for the private sector to understand.  
  • 09:17 So look, the private sector has obligations to its  shareholders, its investors, on the transparency.  
  • 09:25 And a lot of the questions that we will get is,  how do we aggregate the different categories of  
  • 09:30 debt? The bilateral creditor debt, the private  sector debt, the contingent liabilities,  
  • 09:36 where is there an implicit government guarantee  as opposed to an explicit government guarantee? 
  • 09:42 And then, with every sovereign crisis, it  usually emanates from the banking system,  
  • 09:47 so an understanding of that. There's also a whole  focus on quasi sovereign debt, which is sometimes  
  • 09:55 corporate debt. But there's an implicit government  guarantee. And we've seen these numbers really  
  • 10:00 balloon. We've had record debt issuance from the  sovereign and on the emerging markets, corporate  
  • 10:08 quasi sovereign side, during this pandemic  because of the low interest rates. I mean, last  
  • 10:13 year you had 230 billion of EM sovereign and debt  issuance, more than 500 billion of EM corporate  
  • 10:19 debt issuance with a good component of that that's  quasi sovereign. So I think, for a country to be  
  • 10:25 investible, you need the transparency and you  need to have the ways in which you can actually  
  • 10:30 understand the different categories of debt  and what the government could be obligated to  
  • 10:36 really implicitly back at a time of crisis. [David Malpass] 
  • 10:40 Thanks. And I hope we can have a round table  kind of this panel. Let me turn to Lee, or  
  • 10:47 I'll preface. Some of the terms that I hope people  will use are collateralized debt. So that means,  
  • 10:53 if savers of the world lend to a government or  even to a, I guess, quasi sovereign debt and a  
  • 11:04 state owned enterprise, and requires that there  be collateral set aside in the form of actual  
  • 11:10 products, it's hard to know the relative price  of the various items. And it's also very hard to  
  • 11:18 then restructure the debt if the country runs into  sustainability problems. And that is exacerbated  
  • 11:29 by nondisclosure clauses if people can't see  inside the contract. So, Lee, will you give us a  
  • 11:36 briefing on these? And maybe ask a question to  Joyce, if you want to. However we want to work  
  • 11:42 it as a panel. Thanks, Lee. [Lee Buchheit] 
  • 11:44 Yes. Thank you, David. And wonderful to be with  you folks. One of the extraordinary statistics  
  • 11:51 in this report was that 10% of Sub-Saharan  African debt incurred recently has been of  
  • 11:59 the type you described, collateralized. And  it very often is not what you would think  
  • 12:10 the connotation of the word collateral  brings, that is a pledge of an asset.  
  • 12:15 These transactions can be and are structured as,  for example, forward sales of a primary commodity,  
  • 12:26 so that the lender, quote unquote, buyer, will  argue that it isn't debt at all. It should not  
  • 12:35 therefore be restructured in connection with  the country's debt, maybe not even reported  
  • 12:40 as debt. And yet it has the  practical effect of that.  
  • 12:45 Traditional repos are economically the equivalent  of secured borrowing. It has several implications  
  • 12:56 to the extent that the country has allocated  a significant portion of its future revenue  
  • 13:06 toward the repayment of one creditor. It follows that that revenue is not  
  • 13:12 going to be available for all the others. And  therefore, anyone lending on an unsecured basis  
  • 13:19 to that sovereign is probably doing so without a  full understanding of the debt servicing capacity  
  • 13:30 of the sovereign in the future. That will result,  at the very least, in mispricing of the debt.  
  • 13:38 It also renders the restructuring of that  debt stock particularly difficult because the  
  • 13:48 secured lender, or the buyer, the future  buyer of the commodities, may well argue.  
  • 13:56 They have a security interest governed by the laws  of England or New York. And they can always go and  
  • 14:04 foreclose on that. And therefore, they must be  exempted. So this problem, to the extent that  
  • 14:12 it is growing in significance, and it appears to  be growing in significance, represents, I think,  
  • 14:20 a serious risk to the system. [David Malpass] 
  • 14:24 Thanks. Yeah. So debt for the low  income countries is up 12%, even though  
  • 14:31 there were two major initiatives by the  G20 to try to provide debt relief, the DSSI  
  • 14:37 and the common framework. So DSSI is debt service  suspension initiative that was invoked in 2020,  
  • 14:48 but didn't have as broad a coverage as had been  sought. And now the common framework, which  
  • 14:53 is being applied now to Chad, Ethiopia, and  Zambia, we'll come back to those in a minute,  
  • 14:58 but I want to pick up on the point  that Lee just made and ask Paul,  
  • 15:05 S&P, I know you're chief economist, Paul. But S&P does ratings of countries and of bonds.  
  • 15:13 That's the way I think about it. And how  does it do that if it's the case that,  
  • 15:20 as the report shows, that for some countries it  might be 30% more debt than has actually been  
  • 15:25 disclosed? And even for those that disclose debt,  which are not that many or, I mean, which are not  
  • 15:31 all the countries, there are nondisclosure  clauses on some of that debt. So even of the  
  • 15:38 amounts of debt that are disclosed, sometimes the  terms and the covenants are not disclosed. So how  
  • 15:44 do you handle that in S&P? [David Gruenwald] 
  • 15:46 Well, first, hi, David and everyone. Thanks  for inviting me to the panel. Let me start  
  • 15:52 out by saying that S&P Global is 100% behind these  initiatives to improve the transparency of debt,  
  • 16:00 but you're right. We have a sovereign team.  The sovereign team currently has 137 sovereign  
  • 16:06 ratings outstanding. So we're missing kind of  the lower end of the tail. So perhaps part of  
  • 16:10 this problem is not in the rated universe. But  just as a reminder to everyone, the idea behind  
  • 16:18 a credit rating is not to predict a default.  It's our opinion on the ability of the borrower  
  • 16:24 to repay their debts in full and on time. But  you're absolutely right about some countries  
  • 16:31 not having a full set of data, that would be the  ideal state. But our sovereign team, for the 137  
  • 16:39 countries that we do rates, they're comfortable  with the information that we have. And they think  
  • 16:44 that's sufficient to determine a rating. When the committees get together  
  • 16:48 and do a sovereign rating, they look at a  number of factors. And if they see that they are  
  • 16:53 inconsistencies in the data, the errors and  omissions. Large errors and omissions is one,  
  • 16:59 or maybe there are inconsistencies or historical  patterns that don't always make sense.  
  • 17:05 These rating committees are allowed  to make an adjustment to the ratings,  
  • 17:09 downward in this particular case. So there are  a few channels through which they can do that.  
  • 17:14 There's a fiscal pillar, there's an institutional  pillar, and there's also some discretion around  
  • 17:20 the final determination of the rating itself. It's not a totally mechanical process, but the  
  • 17:26 sovereign teams are aware of the issue. And this  lack of transparency is embedded in the ratings.  
  • 17:34 And it tends to be correlated with the lower  credits. The higher rated credits tend to have,  
  • 17:38 not surprisingly, a higher level of debt  disclosure and a higher level of comfort that  
  • 17:45 we're getting a full story. And that deteriorates  a bit as we go down the spectrum. But again,  
  • 17:51 all the initiatives in the report and the  things that we're going to talk about today  
  • 17:55 that would enhance debt transparency, that will  help us do 0ur job better. And that will help the  
  • 18:01 markets as well. So back to you, David. [David Malpass] 
  • 18:05 A core problem I'll mention, and then I'll come  to Carmen. A core problem is, in a lot of debt  
  • 18:12 around the world, there's a bankruptcy process  that is legislated within a country. And so when  
  • 18:20 a debtor is unable to pay, there's a prescribed  process that the creditors can go through to  
  • 18:27 both share information and then decide who's going  to take the losses. And they fight about it, but  
  • 18:32 they assess the situation. Whereas in sovereign  lending, there's not the equivalent. And so  
  • 18:41 one of the things that is complicating this, I  think, is that sovereigns are fully... the people  
  • 18:48 of the country are fully committed to paying all  of the debts that are incurred by the government  
  • 18:53 of that country forever with no process to  restructure it or force a change. And that, maybe  
  • 19:01 everyone can correct me in that perception, but  to me then that means that if I'm a lender and  
  • 19:08 I'm lending only a small amount to a country that  has big problems elsewhere, I'm pretty assured of  
  • 19:15 getting paid because I have the upper hand in the  legal structure. If I take it to court in London  
  • 19:21 or in New York, I'm going to win as a creditor  because that's just the way the system works.  
  • 19:27 But that's a background, let me turn to Carmen  for both comments and questions to the panel. 
  • 19:40 [Carmen Reinhart] Thank you. Thank you all for a very  
  • 19:46 insightful discussion. And I want to follow up  on something Paul said. The issue of hidden debts  
  • 19:58 is not new and, Paul, I would say it's certainly,  as this wonderful report highlights, it's  
  • 20:06 primarily an issue for many of the emerging  and lower income countries. But it's not  
  • 20:13 unique to them. I mean, certainly the Greece  Goldman case a few years back on hidden debts  
  • 20:23 was a major surprise. And over the last decade or  so, the issue of hidden debt has partially also  
  • 20:37 grown enormously because non-Paris Club  creditors, the largest of these is China,  
  • 20:46 increased in importance. Now that's official  lending, but nonetheless it is adding to the  
  • 20:52 debt servicing ... To the debt and  debt servicing of a particular country. 
  • 21:00 And some of that debt has been  restructured repeatedly. How does  
  • 21:08 S & P deal also with a higher incidence of these  restructurings? And, as David mentioned, since  
  • 21:20 last year the DSSI, we learned that, for example,  the sovereign debt... I mean the debt of the China  
  • 21:33 Development Bank is considered private debt, which  would be in the domain of credit rating agencies,  
  • 21:38 so there would be a private creditor. So how would  you say that ratings have adjusted to deal these  
  • 21:49 change landscape? [David Gruenwald] 
  • 21:51 Yeah, Carmen, I'm going to get out of my pay grade  pretty quickly here because I run the economics  
  • 21:56 team and not the sovereign ratings team. But  yeah, you're right, this is a challenge. I mean,  
  • 22:00 we've got a lot of debt that's quasi-public debt,  it might be a non-government organization to a  
  • 22:06 non-government organization, or it might be a  state enterprise to another state enterprise  
  • 22:11 across border. But it's something that our  sovereign team has to deal with. As I said,  
  • 22:17 there are ways to adjust the rating up or  down if we're not happy with the transparency  
  • 22:22 or the consistency of data or anything else. We do rate a large number of the bigger EMs,  
  • 22:28 not the tail, because we're missing about 60  or 70 countries globally. But that's something  
  • 22:34 that we try to put into our criteria and the  sovereign team tries to keep up with that. I mean,  
  • 22:40 for the details I can maybe get back to you on  that, but the sovereign teams are fully aware  
  • 22:45 that a lot of this debt is not directly on the  sovereigns balance sheet and it may come from  
  • 22:51 quasi-sovereign or other creditors. But to the  extent possible, that is incorporated into the  
  • 22:55 rating that we're publishing. [David Malpass] 
  • 22:59 Thanks, and so, I'll ask us to come back in a  little bit to the Common Framework and to China,  
  • 23:06 the magnitude of the China debt. I want to ask  Lee if he has reflections on what we've already  
  • 23:11 been talking about and also any suggestions or  corrections to the way I described the sovereign  
  • 23:20 process. So one of the things we're dealing  with is this fundamental gap in the global  
  • 23:26 system for how do you deal with a country that  has unsustainable debt. There's not really any  
  • 23:33 process to do that so we're always ad hoc, one  country at a time, and that's a very expensive  
  • 23:39 process. So Lee, correct me in perception  and also ask... Or let's go on from there. 
  • 23:47 [Lee Buchheit] Okay. I would amplify what you've said,  
  • 23:52 David. You described half of it. You said that  sovereigns are not subject to a bankruptcy code,  
  • 24:00 not their own, not anyone else's, and that is  true. It follows from that, to the extent that  
  • 24:06 they have governed their debt instruments  by a foreign law, like New York or England.  
  • 24:12 If those debt instruments aren't paid, the  creditor can get a judgment against them.  
  • 24:17 That is true. But at that point, the  leverage usually shifts back to the sovereign  
  • 24:24 because that judgment will convey an emotional  satisfaction to the holder, but not a financial  
  • 24:31 satisfaction, unless the sovereign pays it  voluntarily or the creditor can find an asset  
  • 24:40 outside of the debtor country that it can seize  in order to pay itself. And typically, there  
  • 24:48 are few such assets in the name of the sovereign  itself, the republic, not state owned enterprises,  
  • 24:57 outside of the jurisdiction of the sovereign. And we have seen this play out again and again,  
  • 25:03 David, perhaps most poignantly in the 15 years of  litigation that followed the Argentine default in  
  • 25:10 December of 2001. Where you had some of  the most sophisticated and aggressive,  
  • 25:16 litigious, high testosterone hedge funds  pursuing a sovereign around the world,  
  • 25:23 looking for assets in an effort to pay themselves.  And that effort was, to a very large extent,  
  • 25:31 unavailing. So there is leverage on both sides.  The creditors can get judgements and there's very  
  • 25:39 little that the sovereign can do to stop it. But  once the judgment has been issued, satisfying that  
  • 25:47 judgment becomes a major problem for the creditor.  And candidly, a recognition of this situation  
  • 25:58 is the chemistry, is the basis for  consensual sovereign debt workouts.  
  • 26:06 Both sides are vulnerable in the process, and  therefore in truth, neither side has a good option  
  • 26:13 other than to negotiate their way out of the  problem. They cannot litigate their way out. 
  • 26:18 [David Malpass] Got it. Let's talk about that in the  
  • 26:20 context of the Common Framework in a minute. Let  me turn to Joyce on that point that Lee is making,  
  • 26:31 that there's a practicality... And I  wonder if that's how you perceive it?  
  • 26:36 Are there any countries, I know you're watching  China very carefully for its own internal debt,  
  • 26:41 but what about Argentina that is working its  way through a recent crisis. How do you think of  
  • 26:54 sovereign debt as far as the safety of it? Thanks. [Joyce Chang] 
  • 26:57 No, no, thanks very much, David. And just a  couple comments on what Lee had to say and also on  
  • 27:02 the collateralized debt as well. So look,  I often will hear, we're very disappointed  
  • 27:09 in the private sector, we want the private sector  to do more, and these are empty statements. Look,  
  • 27:15 I think it's too much for the private sector  to ask to be in the negotiating room, but  
  • 27:20 they should be given the information upon  which bilateral creditors have constructed  
  • 27:25 their debt treatment if you're going to expect  comparability of treatment to work. They don't  
  • 27:30 necessarily have to be at the table because that  makes a large political statement, but they have  
  • 27:35 to be given the information and asked about  their views. And I think this was some of the  
  • 27:40 initial problem with the Common Framework,  but I wanted to just say a few things on  
  • 27:47 the collateralized debt and also on the China  Development Bank that Carmen had brought up. 
  • 27:54 Look, I think there is room for innovation. I  mean, JP Morgan now allows credit enhanced bonds  
  • 27:59 to be included in the EM bond indexes. But Lee  is absolutely right. When we conceived of credit  
  • 28:06 enhanced bonds, we really did think back to the  days of the Brady bonds, where it was treasury  
  • 28:11 collateralized. I mean, the whole issue was,  is there a way that you could actually use  
  • 28:16 official creditor resources and leverage that  more? Because the official creditor resources  
  • 28:21 are still relatively small to EM sovereigns  raising 230 billion dollars in the international  
  • 28:27 capital markets. Now that's completely  different than forward sales of a commodity  
  • 28:32 as collateral. So something like that would not  go into a JP Morgan index, but the question on  
  • 28:38 collateralized instruments was, is there  a way that you could use official credits,  
  • 28:43 and even things like XM credits, we have a  development financing group that's looked at that. 
  • 28:47 And could you require certain things,  like ESG sustainability commitments,  
  • 28:52 in return for credit guarantees? That's more the  way that I would conceive of the collateral, as I  
  • 28:57 totally agree with Lee, that some of these  other mechanisms that they're looking at.  
  • 29:01 To me, they raise real questions on who bears  the responsibility and the transparency and how  
  • 29:12 you actually can enforce some of this. And then,  I hear oftentimes also from official creditors, a  
  • 29:19 lot of discussion on these contingent instruments.  And I do think academics really love these because  
  • 29:26 it's theoretical economics, it makes sense, and  there's this automatic factor in it. In practice,  
  • 29:31 I think that it's a lot harder to actually  put that into place. So the official creditor  
  • 29:36 enhancements is something that stands out. Look,  I think that Carmen brings up the elephant in the  
  • 29:41 room on the Common Framework. I mean, is this  really all about China as the largest creditor  
  • 29:48 to many of the emerging markets countries? And this will debate on whether China Development  
  • 29:53 Bank is official or commercial. That's kind of  a travesty, in a lot of ways, as a lender. And  
  • 30:00 I mean, the Common Framework was meant to overcome  these issues, but in some ways the question has  
  • 30:06 been asked, does China really prefer bilateral  negotiations when they are the largest creditor?  
  • 30:12 Was the lack of clarity, in some ways, meant  to cajole China in this? We've just been going  
  • 30:20 through the numbers for China and what they call  the private sector debt there is 232% of GDP now.  
  • 30:28 So is that private? Is it quasi-sovereign? Is it  really government debt? So I think that China's  
  • 30:34 really the elephant in the room, given the role  that they have assumed for so many of these low  
  • 30:39 income countries as the biggest ... As being  really, a lot of this debt really is something  
  • 30:49 that China has a key role in. [David Malpass] 
  • 30:54 You gave us a lot to chew on there. Okay, so  one background for people is, we've been talking  
  • 31:00 about official debt. This is the debts of various  government entities around the world lending into  
  • 31:08 sovereign situations, or even private situations,  in developing countries. Or that's the way I'll  
  • 31:16 use the term. And so that, historically, for  I don't know, 40 years or 50 years, has been  
  • 31:22 rescheduled as a group by the Paris Club, which  is a group of official creditors that used to be  
  • 31:29 the major creditors around the world. So in the  Latin debt crisis, the US and Germany and France  
  • 31:36 and the UK and Japan were the major creditors for  the Latin countries. And they could sit in a room  
  • 31:44 and figure out what to do to restructure  the debt. Over time, China has become a much  
  • 31:51 bigger creditor than all of those others combined. World Bank did a report a year or a year and a  
  • 31:58 half ago that showed that 65% of the official  credits were from China and all the rest  
  • 32:06 of the countries were the remaining 35%, of  which Japan was one of the big ones at 15%,  
  • 32:14 if I recall. And so what that means is that the  concept of the restructuring process has changed  
  • 32:21 dramatically over time as China's role became  more important in that amount of debt. So that  
  • 32:30 was kind of background. So one of the challenges  as the world looks for a process to allow debt  
  • 32:39 relief, reduction of debt for poorer  countries or developing countries in general,  
  • 32:48 where the debt has become unsustainable.  Meaning the creditors allowed too much  
  • 32:53 debt and the countries took on too much debt and  circumstances changed and the country can't pay  
  • 33:00 it. There's not a process and so we're looking  for that process. And the G20 put forward the  
  • 33:05 Common Framework that we've been talking about. So I wanted to ask Joyce, and then have others  
  • 33:11 maybe ask questions, but you mentioned the term  credit enhanced bonds, which is great. And so,  
  • 33:16 as we talk about collateral, my understanding of  the problem of collateral is it's very hard to  
  • 33:23 value within the structure. Meaning the country  gives collateral, meaning either a right to an  
  • 33:29 asset, or as Lee framed it, this forward sale  concept. It doesn't seem to cost the government  
  • 33:35 of a country much, but over the years and over the  decades, sometimes these are 20 year commitments  
  • 33:41 by a government that is non-disclosed. So  it's a secret commitment by a poor country,  
  • 33:47 the government of a poor country, that locks  the people of the country into payments that  
  • 33:53 are going to last 20 years. So why would the world  want credit enhanced bonds? Can I frame it that  
  • 34:00 way? And you make a defense and then maybe I'll  bring Lee or Paul in on that. Go ahead, Joyce. 
  • 34:07 [Joyce Chang] That's why I'm trying to be clear that  
  • 34:09 on the credit enhanced bonds, I really looked at  it more conceptually as whether there's a way to  
  • 34:15 leverage official creditor resources in that  process, more so than making these forward  
  • 34:21 commitments for 20 years, 10 years, based on  forward sales of commodities. Or even like some of  
  • 34:29 these GDP linked bonds where I feel like sometimes  that is really brought up in academic circles.  
  • 34:34 I find that much harder to actually... Look,  I feel like, David, you're in this environment  
  • 34:41 right now where you can sell practically anything.  I mean, in a zero yield world right now, given  
  • 34:50 that you have a 1% return on fixed income bonds.  So on some of these credit enhanced bonds, I think  
  • 34:57 there is a moment right now that you can get some  of these done. How does the private sector look at  
  • 35:02 that? Or how would you look at it conceptually? I look at much more the Brady plan model  
  • 35:08 where you really did have a partnership more  between the official creditor community that  
  • 35:12 provided the incentive for the private sector  to get involved and more of the certainty.  
  • 35:17 So I think Lee very well points out what the  problem is with the structure of some of these  
  • 35:22 bonds and the forward 20 years. And we see this  with a lot of the GDP warrants, all of these  
  • 35:27 other mechanisms that were put into place. I mean,  that's much harder to value going forward. It is  
  • 35:33 something that ... I feel like sometimes it is  the economists who come up with these kinds of  
  • 35:40 structure because they like the theoretical  economics. It makes sense. It injects an automatic  
  • 35:47 element into it so there isn't as much discretion,  but I think that the official creditor subsidy is  
  • 35:55 actually something, to me, that makes the most  sense. And then a way that you can leverage the  
  • 36:00 official creditor resources. [David Malpass] 
  • 36:02 Got it. Now one small point, and then I'm going to  go Lee and then Paul then Carmen. One small point  
  • 36:08 on that, Joyce, is people look to the World Bank  to provide that creditor Subsidy. And the problem  
  • 36:15 is, we can't price it or value it. So people are  looking for first loss guarantees from the World  
  • 36:20 Bank. The problem is, World Bank is decidedly  going to be less good at evaluating the value  
  • 36:27 of that credit enhancement than the private sector  itself that's looking for the enhancement. So we  
  • 36:34 have not wanted to go in that direction in that it  will end up in a mispricing of creditor. At least  
  • 36:42 that's the view that we have. But let me go to  Lee and then Paul and Carmen on any topic. Lee? 
  • 36:48 [Carmen Reinhart] If I may just comment  
  • 36:50 on something that Joyce said. Joyce, I don't  think it's just that economists are enamored  
  • 36:56 with state contingent contracts. The reason they  write state contingent contracts is also to do  
  • 37:02 risk sharing between debtors and creditors, so  that in bad states of nature, debtor countries  
  • 37:10 that are able to pay less can, under the contract,  pay less. So I think, clearly your vision is  
  • 37:20 from the creditor side, which is perfectly  understandable, but it is about risk sharing.  
  • 37:28 And a relevant example to COVID would be something  along the force majeure, though I defer to Lee  
  • 37:35 on that score. [David Malpass] 
  • 37:37 We'll go to Lee and I'll make a principle  statement. I, and the World Bank, are on the side  
  • 37:46 of the people in developing countries. Which is a  different interest... Yeah, I mean, we're trying  
  • 37:51 to find a way to wed that interest with creditors.  I mean, the wonderful thing in the world is that  
  • 37:57 there are savers who want to put money to work.  And Joyce named it. They're not asking for a very  
  • 38:02 high return. A risk return is favorable from  the standpoint of borrowers right now because  
  • 38:10 the interest rates are so low. We're trying to  put both sides together, but with a recognition,  
  • 38:21 or at least our observation right now is it's  not working very well at all for the people in  
  • 38:27 the poorer countries. And so we're trying to look  for ways, and jointly, to move that forward. Lee,  
  • 38:34 any thoughts? And then Paul. [Lee Buchheit] 
  • 38:37 Yes. I think Joyce has raised the issue of what  the IFIs could do by way of credit enhancing  
  • 38:48 sovereign obligations. That is, in my mind, a very  different subject from the one we talked about  
  • 38:56 earlier, where the sovereign or a state owned  enterprise is pledging assets or revenue streams  
  • 39:04 or forward selling those revenue streams. The issue, David, that you raised,  
  • 39:11 can the IFIs appropriately price or assess  the value of their credit enhancement? You  
  • 39:19 remember what happened in the Brady transactions.  There were no guarantees by the official sector.  
  • 39:28 What happened was the IMF and the World Bank lent  money to the debtor countries, and that money was  
  • 39:34 used to buy zero coupon US Treasury obligations  that matured in 30 years and were pledged to  
  • 39:43 secure the principle repayment on the Brady bonds.  The World Bank has dipped its toe into this river  
  • 39:52 several times. For example, it issued a partial  guarantee of a bond of Ghana, I think in 2012. 
  • 40:02 The question that we've always had is, what is  the best structure for putting partial credit  
  • 40:12 enhancement of an IFI on a dead instrument so that  we can predict how the market will value that? You  
  • 40:23 see, it ought to be possible to sit down and say,  these are the terms the sovereign could borrow  
  • 40:31 unsecured or un-credit enhanced. These  are the terms that it will get if it has  
  • 40:38 the credit enhancement. And if it turns out  that it is appropriately valuable, then that  
  • 40:46 becomes a sensible thing for an IFI to do. One other comment. There is a rigidity  
  • 40:54 in at least the World Bank's approach to this.  The World Bank will treat a partial guarantee,  
  • 41:01 a contingent liability, they will score it as  though it were a direct loan. So to the extent  
  • 41:09 the country has a certain allocation, a certain  borrowing capacity from the World Bank, they'll  
  • 41:15 use it up by asking for a partial guarantee,  even though that guarantee may never be called.  
  • 41:29 I can't hear you, David. [David Malpass] 
  • 41:32 Without that, there's the  problem or the challenge.  
  • 41:36 The World Bank and other IFIs have preferred  creditor treatment, meaning the whole world has  
  • 41:42 agreed to the idea that these are senior or  special creditors within the environment,  
  • 41:48 and so that makes it extra hard to do,  and so that's how we score the partial  
  • 41:54 guarantees. Let me turn to Paul for  comments on any and all of these topics. 
  • 41:59 [David Gruenwald] A couple of comments, David. First, while  
  • 42:01 Lee was talking about Brady bond restructurings  and I was having a flashback to my IMF days with  
  • 42:07 par bonds and discount bonds and Flurbs. That  sort of collateral is going to be expensive now,  
  • 42:12 right? Because interest rates are so low. Rates  were higher and prices were lower for those bonds  
  • 42:17 back in the '80s when we were using those. And  also comment on what Carmen said about state  
  • 42:22 contingent debt structures. Obviously, there  are good and less good state contingent  
  • 42:30 specifications. So the idea there, she  correctly said, was around risk sharing. 
  • 42:34 But I wanted to come back to  something that Joyce said earlier.  
  • 42:38 She touched very briefly on ESG and the term in  a larger context of debt. Just to point out that  
  • 42:47 ourselves at S&P and a lot of other people in  the market are doing a lot of work toward ESG  
  • 42:53 scoring. We have a legacy business, as everyone  knows, for providing credit ratings. But the newer  
  • 43:00 business, which is getting an enormous push,  is to put some sort of ESG score on entities as  
  • 43:07 well. The market is trying to converge toward some  sort of common framework aligned with the public  
  • 43:13 sector as well. We're obviously not there yet. But I'm wondering just maybe for the panel as  
  • 43:17 a whole, does that figure into the debt framework  here? I've got my economist hat on. I'm not going  
  • 43:25 to pretend to be a rating analyst. If we've got  some sort of collateralization loosely defined  
  • 43:31 and we know that some of the natural capital  is located in some of the high debt countries,  
  • 43:37 does that figure into the mix going forward as  we're talking about securitization or collateral  
  • 43:43 or other things? Or is that a separate issue  that we can always keep off to the side?  
  • 43:47 I would love to hear views on that. [David Malpass] 
  • 43:49 Let's do that topic. So green bonds are important,  and then the transparency of how they're evaluated  
  • 43:55 becomes very important in this meaning. What  describes a green bond? There's different views  
  • 44:01 in the community of what qualifies as a green  bond. Columbia recently did a bond that was,  
  • 44:08 I don't want to use the term collateralized,  but Paul, I think we should say bonds that have  
  • 44:16 extra value, let's say, because of an ESG. [David Gruenwald] 
  • 44:20 Better terminology. Let's use that one. [David Malpass] 
  • 44:22 Because I want to reserve the term collateral. Lee  did a good job for dividing this up into credit  
  • 44:30 enhanced debt that are from the creditor side, and  then a locking up of assets or future sales as the  
  • 44:37 use of the term collateral. But what Columbia did  was said it would protect, it's like collateral,  
  • 44:43 but let's call it extra value. They issued  a bond that was attached to protecting some  
  • 44:53 huge amounts of land in Columbia. One of the  challenges for the world here is it was only  
  • 45:00 seven basis points improvement in the yield. So it  was a 7% bond that came in at 6.93%. Seven basis  
  • 45:09 points is a small fraction of the total yield  or coupon on the bond. So it wasn't much of a  
  • 45:20 premium. So let's talk about ESG. Joyce, comments? [Joyce Chang] 
  • 45:27 There were a couple of transactions  that have come out. The Belize Blue Bond  
  • 45:31 is another one that recently came out. There are  different criteria, but if you look at this B3W,  
  • 45:38 the Build Back Better World, they are talking  about the development finance corporation actually  
  • 45:44 being able to take a first loss and being able to  use more credit enhancement. So that discussion is  
  • 45:50 happening at that level. But the Belize Blue Bond  is another level. If you just take a look at the  
  • 45:56 green bonds this year, there's a tremendous  amount of investor demand. Year to date,  
  • 46:01 there's been $360 billion of issuance of green  bonds. For all of last year, it was $300 billion.  
  • 46:07 So I think there really is room for innovation  here, just given what the investor demand is,  
  • 46:12 some of the requirements also to demonstrate  that you're in these instruments, and looking at  
  • 46:17 creative ways in which this could be structured. [David Malpass] 
  • 46:22 How do you do transparency? I saw the  article in the front page, big one,  
  • 46:26 in the Washington Post yesterday saying the  data is all... Well, I forget the headline,  
  • 46:33 but it was that there are huge problems in the  data collection. The World Bank Climate Change  
  • 46:39 Action Plan that we did in April, a central point  of that is the need for diagnostics as far as what  
  • 46:45 the actual greenhouse gas emissions are from a  given activity, or what the size of the problem  
  • 46:52 is in various parts of the climate space. But  the Washington Post article yesterday took note  
  • 47:01 that it's very difficult to do transparency  in this field. Joyce, any thought on that? 
  • 47:06 [Joyce Chang] No. The transparency,  
  • 47:09 that's why I really do applaud the World Bank's  debt transparency report, and also just all the  
  • 47:14 work that Carmen has done for just decades about  this topic. And also trying to look at something  
  • 47:18 really complicated, like China's debt transparency  and how we look at the hidden debt. It is really  
  • 47:25 difficult. A lot of the ESG issues that we  work on are just very hard to quantify, period.  
  • 47:33 Whether we're talking about the issues related to  debt, or we're even trying to forecast out about  
  • 47:40 government programs and what the realistic way is  to measure pricing, the cost of decarbonization,  
  • 47:46 and other metrics. So I think this problem  is not going to go away. It identifies the  
  • 47:53 biggest risk you have with the ESG is that  it's been very hard to standardize anything  
  • 47:57 and put this into a standardized contract. [David Malpass] 
  • 48:01 We may want to save this topic for another  panel. I want to gradually bring us to  
  • 48:08 the Common Framework and the actual challenge at  hand, this huge amount of debt on the developing  
  • 48:14 countries and especially the poorer countries,  and how do we restructure it. Carmen, thoughts  
  • 48:19 at large or questions, either one? [Carmen Reinhart] 
  • 48:26 Let me start with the transparency and the  Common Framework. I think one area where the  
  • 48:40 multilaterals can play a big role also is actually  on the setup of transparency. Transparency is  
  • 48:48 not going to bring about automatically creditor  agreement. That's pie in the sky. But for creditor  
  • 48:58 committees to actually come in with more a  cohesive view of what the actual liabilities are,  
  • 49:08 what the contracts look like, is at a minimum. And  here, I will defer to Lee, who is infinitely the  
  • 49:18 authority on this. But I think as a minimum  starting point, starting the discussions  
  • 49:26 from a common ground on who is owed what and  what the terms are is a minimum minimorum core. 
  • 49:34 But let me say that on the Common Framework, I  think it's a necessary first step. It's necessary  
  • 49:44 in two ways. One is, it is a recognition that the  problem for many low income countries, and indeed  
  • 49:54 for not an unsubstantial number of middle  income countries, has to do less with liquidity,  
  • 50:02 but more also with solvency. So you have  to move from the DSSI COVID emergency  
  • 50:14 to something that actually  delivers some debt relief. 
  • 50:20 Having said that, what I think  the Common Framework has done  
  • 50:25 is basically transfer the Paris Club to  the G20 so that the non-Paris Club members,  
  • 50:35 China, Saudi Arabia, UAE and other non-Paris Club  creditors, are part of the discussion. Perhaps I'm  
  • 50:50 being overly pessimistic, but let me say that I  recently did a study called Sovereign Bonds Since  
  • 50:58 Waterloo. The chronic common theme is creditors  want to be repaid in full, debtors want a haircut  
  • 51:11 because they perceive their ability to pay as  impaired. And so getting those two sides together,  
  • 51:19 which is the task we have ahead of  us, getting those two sides together  
  • 51:24 has historically taken a long time. Things  like the Brady Plan that Joyce mentioned,  
  • 51:35 that came a lot later. That came years after  the onset of crisis. So I think our main  
  • 51:43 task would be to try to expedite what has been  usually a very long process. Let me stop there. 
  • 51:50 [David Malpass] Great. I'll come to Lee for an answer to that,  
  • 51:53 but I want to pick up on one thing you said. The  inconsistency, or I think there's a third problem,  
  • 52:00 it's that the creditors want to be paid in full,  the debtors would like a haircut. But the people  
  • 52:07 of the developing country need the advancement,  and so I want to make it more of a triangle. 
  • 52:14 There's the interest of the governments of the  borrowing country, the entrance of the creditors,  
  • 52:21 and then it's a little bit separate, the people  of the country. Because if I'm the government  
  • 52:26 of a poorer country, I'm happy to sign away the  rights to oil or to cobalt or other things for  
  • 52:32 20 years because I won't be around for 20 years.  I just want things to go well over the next four  
  • 52:38 years. And if someone comes in and says they'll  build roads and they'll pay people a stipend  
  • 52:45 for the four years, then I'm willing to sign away  a lot of future value in order to get that. So I  
  • 52:51 really think we have to take into account the  different interests of the people of the poorer  
  • 52:58 countries as their governments sign contracts.  That's really the core of why we need full  
  • 53:04 transparency. Unless you know what's in the  contract, no one is in a position to actually  
  • 53:10 evaluate the people's interest of the country. I want to come to Joyce. Joyce raised, at one  
  • 53:19 point, the need for the private creditors to see  the information from the official analysis that's  
  • 53:29 done. This is a practical issue in Chad, for  example, because Chad asked for Common Framework  
  • 53:37 treatment. The Common Framework is something  offered by the G20. They wrote it down. It's in  
  • 53:46 the communiqué. It says that private sector  creditors should, and I guess are urged,  
  • 53:55 to participate in the debt reduction for Chad  on the IMF and World Bank view that Chad is  
  • 54:02 has an unsustainable amount of debt. It was taken  on by previous governments and it's very large. So  
  • 54:09 the idea is how do you provide debt  relief on a comparable treatment basis? 
  • 54:14 I think Joyce was saying that the official  sector needs to share the information  
  • 54:19 with the private sector, maybe not in Chad, but in  the general case. So I want to ask Lee about that.  
  • 54:27 And then some of the things we're pushing for in  the Common Framework are one, that it operates  
  • 54:33 faster, which goes to Carmen's point. There  needs to be some kind of speed to it. Two, that  
  • 54:38 there'd be comparable treatment among the various  creditors. Three, that we consider a standstill  
  • 54:44 on payments to creditors in order to expedite or  to facilitate the process of restructuring or of  
  • 54:51 debt relief within the country. And four,  that there be clarity on, it's called the  
  • 54:59 urging to the private sector to participate and to  China's various entities to participate. So Lee,  
  • 55:05 can you unpack all of this for us? [Lee Buchheit] 
  • 55:10 A little bit of it, David. Look, the  Common Framework, to the extent that  
  • 55:16 it brings into the tent traditionally  non-Paris Club creditor countries like  
  • 55:22 China and India and Saudi Arabia, I think is  an altogether commendable thing. In the past,  
  • 55:28 a sovereign debtor had to negotiate with the  Paris Club, with non-Paris Club bilaterals,  
  • 55:35 and with commercial creditors separately.  This is an effort to streamline that. 
  • 55:43 It was one year ago that the G20 announced the  Common Framework. Three countries signed up  
  • 55:51 pretty quickly in the early part of this year.  To my knowledge, we've not seen the bilateral  
  • 55:59 creditor committees for any of these countries  come out with debt restructuring terms. Now that,  
  • 56:05 to my mind, is absolutely inexplicable.  It isn't that hard. Now, you might say,  
  • 56:12 well, we've had this extraordinary  boom in commodity prices. And so  
  • 56:19 in oil in the case of Chad, copper and the case of  Zambia, that some might say have rendered the debt  
  • 56:26 sustainability analysis that were prepared earlier  this year by the IMF obsolete. Okay, okay. But  
  • 56:35 we've not seen an announcement of debt  restructuring terms, and therefore, the issue  
  • 56:41 that Carmen raised, the so-called comparable  treatment on the part of private sector,  
  • 56:49 we haven't actually had an opportunity to pursue  that. One or more of these countries are going to  
  • 56:57 have to announce debt restructuring terms, and  then we will see whether the private creditors  
  • 57:03 are prepared to provide comparable debt relief and  I don't want to prejudge where that comes out, but  
  • 57:15 the disappointment with the  common framework, I think,  
  • 57:19 is principally the fact that it has not  produced, yet, a single debt restructuring.  
  • 57:31 To the extent that many people put a great deal  of significance in the common framework and the  
  • 57:42 collection of bilateral creditors into a single  negotiating forum, the fact that it's not  
  • 57:49 produced anything really is a disappointment. On your point, David, what you have proposed,  
  • 57:58 a debt suspension during the common framework  negotiations, I think is a very good idea. What  
  • 58:04 it effectively does is extend the DSSI for those  countries that ask for a common framework debt  
  • 58:14 restructuring during that period. It will  both motivate the creditors and the debtor.  
  • 58:24 It motivates the debtor because you do extend the  DSSI suspension and that will, I think, induce  
  • 58:35 more countries to ask for a common framework  debt restructuring, rather than put it off.  
  • 58:41 It also motivates the creditors because they will  not be receiving debt service payments during the  
  • 58:48 negotiation period and therefore they will want to  get on with the negotiation, so that is all good. 
  • 58:55 One final comment, but you've said it a couple of  times, David, you used the phrase debt reduction.  
  • 59:05 Remember that the common framework had a  sentence which said, that debt reduction,  
  • 59:12 debt cancellation, debt write-offs, are to  be considered only in the most extreme cases  
  • 59:19 and so it is not clear to me whether these  bilateral creditor committees will be proposing  
  • 59:25 principle haircuts as part of these debt  restructurings or whether it will simply  
  • 59:31 be a maturity extension, maybe some interest  rate relief, but I fear it will be the latter  
  • 59:38 and for many countries, as Carmen says, it is not  a liquidity issue, it will be a solvency issue. 
  • 59:46 [David Malpass] Yeah, there's a real world consequence to  
  • 59:50 this, that people should be aware of, that in the  midst of the pandemic, even the poorest countries  
  • 59:55 are basically paying every month or every  quarter to creditors in wealthier countries,  
  • 01:00:02 generally in much wealthier countries,  with no actual prospect of that changing.  
  • 01:00:10 World Bank works very closely with the IMF. We've  discussed this jointly with the G7 and with the  
  • 01:00:16 G20 and I explained to the G20 leaders just over  the last two weeks, that the process is fully  
  • 01:00:23 stalled and we've made suggestions on ways that  it could be reignited or made more effective. 
  • 01:00:31 President Biden was in both Glasgow and Rome and  so meetings there in the us has been strongly  
  • 01:00:38 supporting the idea of transparency, so I really  welcome that. I think that's a critical part of  
  • 01:00:44 this in order to move it along because then you  can take into account the fuller value of the debt  
  • 01:00:51 and you're working with better information. As a  by the way for people, for Chad, it took almost a  
  • 01:00:58 year to reconcile the amounts of debt. Meaning  normally in a bankruptcy committee process for  
  • 01:01:04 private sector creditors, they share information  and can quickly figure out who has owed money in  
  • 01:01:09 which kinds of forms, but for Chad, a very poor  country, going through difficult circumstances.  
  • 01:01:19 It took the creditors a year to figure out how  much they thought each were owed. As Joyce maybe  
  • 01:01:27 indicating, this information is not always shared  very fast with the private sector creditors,  
  • 01:01:32 so it makes it difficult to actually get to an  end point in some kind of debt relief process. 
  • 01:01:41 My endpoint on this is, the real world consequence  is, just speaking of the low income countries,  
  • 01:01:50 $860 billion of debt in the midst of the pandemic,  almost all of which or the vast majority of which,  
  • 01:01:59 is getting serviced regularly by the poorer  country. The World Bank puts in huge amounts  
  • 01:02:04 of grants and zero interest rate loans to  the countries and the money turns around  
  • 01:02:10 and goes to creditors in a lot of cases.  We're facing that and we're just strongly  
  • 01:02:15 encouraging the world towards some kind of  process to break the spiral that's occurring. 
  • 01:02:25 Any other comments and then I'm going  to read questions from the audience.  
  • 01:02:31 Does anyone have want to intervene right now?  
  • 01:02:40 Okay then, I'm going to ask a question. Let's  talk about the debt itself, the amount. The  
  • 01:02:56 World Bank has a report out and let me put this to  Carmen. Which parts of the world are responsible  
  • 01:03:04 for publishing information about that and is  that process working pretty well? I bet S&P,  
  • 01:03:11 maybe Paul will comment on that, but who publishes  data and who arbitrates that publication? I know  
  • 01:03:17 you're famous in this field, Carmen. [Carmen Reinhart] 
  • 01:03:22 David, historically on external debt, the World  Bank, in the debt reporting system, has had  
  • 01:03:36 the longest, most established history and I don't  say that because this is a World Bank conference.  
  • 01:03:43 This has been the norm for decades. However, I  think a big challenge on… There are also series  
  • 01:03:59 that the governments themselves publish, there are  also alternative series, that academic studies and  
  • 01:04:08 other agencies publish. I'm going to speak to that  in a minute because I think it's very relevant to  
  • 01:04:17 the transparency to discussion we've been  having, but one of the elements of the more  
  • 01:04:30 recent challenge, is that as borrowing becomes  more complex, more borrowing of governments is  
  • 01:04:39 state owned enterprises, more borrowing of  governments are special purpose vehicles.  
  • 01:04:48 Also more borrowing of governments is domestic  debt. It's really important for governments to  
  • 01:04:54 have consolidated public sector accounts. In a recent survey we did at the Bank,  
  • 01:05:02 it shows that 54% of the respondents do not  have consolidated fiscal accounts and so  
  • 01:05:13 what I'm saying is, getting an overall public  sector indebtedness picture that also includes  
  • 01:05:21 new types of debts, from central banks,  swap lines or government deposits  
  • 01:05:29 or repos and other instruments that have become  part of the new public debt universe, that's  
  • 01:05:40 become increasing important, but at the same  time, many, many governments don't provide it. 
  • 01:05:46 In answer to this question, I would say  that we are at a critical juncture and  
  • 01:05:52 very much this is also in the spirit of the  report, which gives a list of recommendations  
  • 01:05:59 of what to do to improve transparency. I  think the multilaterals also have to go  
  • 01:06:07 beyond, much, much, much beyond going  receiving data from the governments themselves,  
  • 01:06:16 which may be imperfect either because  they don't have consolidated accounts  
  • 01:06:20 or because of disclosure requirements that they  do not disclose the debt to go to other sources,  
  • 01:06:30 sources from the market sources from academia.  I think a big push forward on the getting better  
  • 01:06:39 debt data than the one say, historically, there is  the World Bank, BIS, IMF, data hub, going beyond  
  • 01:06:51 that to draw on other sources, is going to be  increasingly important because of all these other  
  • 01:06:58 types of borrowing that are comparatively newer. [David Gruenwald] 
  • 01:07:03 Yeah, David, let me second that. The S&P  sovereign team doesn't have a crystal ball, so  
  • 01:07:10 we use the same data sources as anyone  else and when we go visit a country,  
  • 01:07:15 it's almost like a mini-IMF article IV mission. We  send a team out there, we get the official data,  
  • 01:07:21 we talk about macro policies, we look at the debt  and as Carmen says, sometimes due to capacity  
  • 01:07:26 constraints or other reasons, that debt is not  complete and then we go to alternative sources,  
  • 01:07:32 but I think we would definitely support  any effort to increase debt transparency  
  • 01:07:37 and let the sovereign teams do their job. The world's moving quickly, not just with  
  • 01:07:43 some of the contingent liabilities and off balance  sheet stuff that Carmen talked about. We've got  
  • 01:07:48 these global digital actors now and we're going  to be increasingly in a world where we've got a  
  • 01:07:52 lot of digital debt with smart contracts and a lot  of things that are going to be customized and not  
  • 01:07:59 homogeneous and tough to aggregate and tough to do  under surveillance regimes. I think staying ahead  
  • 01:08:07 of that game's going to be increasingly difficult,  but again, we're using the same tool kit as the  
  • 01:08:13 IFI's and I think we would definitely support  all the improvements that we're discussing today. 
  • 01:08:19 [David Malpass] Super. We've got about five minutes  
  • 01:08:21 left. I wonder if we can focus on... The question  is on collective action clauses. Did they work?  
  • 01:08:28 Are they working and are there ways to extend them  and are there other ways to improve the system?  
  • 01:08:36 This is kind of a forward leaning question. I  want to ask, I guess, Lee and Joyce on that. Well,  
  • 01:08:42 Joyce first. Did collective action clauses work  and are there ways that those could extend into  
  • 01:08:50 other kinds of contracts? [Joyce Chang] 
  • 01:08:53 I think the collective action clauses were a real  success and we can talk more about this. I would  
  • 01:08:59 just say, the fix for contractual loopholes is  not to tinker further with the bond contracts  
  • 01:09:07 because there are always very clever lawyers on  the other side. I think it is really to simplify  
  • 01:09:13 and try to standardize bond contracts,  rather than to make them more complicated,  
  • 01:09:18 but I also just wanted to add the point on the  debt transparency. The world that the official  
  • 01:09:24 creditors really have just been stalwart at,  has been a lot of the technical assistance,  
  • 01:09:30 whether it's from the IMF or the World  Bank. I think on this whole issue of  
  • 01:09:34 debt transparency and consolidation  of debt, accounts and reporting of it,  
  • 01:09:39 it seems to me like we've had these discussions,  well, what exactly can the official creditors do?  
  • 01:09:43 There's a line on how you can use guarantees  and all of that is understandable. To me the  
  • 01:09:48 technical assistance piece of it has always  been critical to the private sector in the  
  • 01:09:54 debt restructuring, whether it was the lowest  income countries or whether it was the Eurozone,  
  • 01:10:02 in the IMF examples with Greece. I think that the technical assistance,  
  • 01:10:07 I wouldn't downplay just the credibility that  the official creditors have and the way that  
  • 01:10:12 they can access this and put all of the brain  power to is something that is really unique  
  • 01:10:19 and valuable and I think can really help in these  discussions, in making sure that people are using  
  • 01:10:25 this uncommon information that's transparent.  I would just say collective action clause is a  
  • 01:10:30 success, but simplifying consistency in the bond  contracts. Standardization, I think, is key. 
  • 01:10:41 [David Malpass] There has been mention today the  
  • 01:10:45 Greece issue and the central bank swaps. DRS is  trying to comprehend the effective options and  
  • 01:10:55 the central bank swaps have been included  in the World Bank's DRS as a form of debt.  
  • 01:11:04 Our reports now use the concept of debt-like  instruments in order to get broader view. Lee,  
  • 01:11:11 any final thoughts on either, on the  simplification of the bond contracts,  
  • 01:11:17 as Joyce mentioned or on collective action  clauses or on what governments could do to make  
  • 01:11:23 this process work better? Maybe the UK government  or the US government. Any thoughts in that area? 
  • 01:11:30 [Lee Buchheit] I'm entirely with Joyce. Collective action clauses  
  • 01:11:36 have been a considerable advance and they have  helped achieve orderly sovereign debt workouts  
  • 01:11:45 over the last 10 years. Most recently, a few weeks  ago in Belize, where Belize used its collective  
  • 01:11:54 action clause in its international bonds in  order to achieve a retirement of those bonds,  
  • 01:12:01 but only up to a point. The collective action  clauses are only in bond contracts. You don't  
  • 01:12:09 even find them in syndicated loan  agreements. They are not a panacea,  
  • 01:12:15 as we saw in Greece in 2012. Greece had 35 English  law bonds, each with a collective action clause.  
  • 01:12:24 Only 17 of those series of bonds joined  the restructuring. They are not a panacea  
  • 01:12:30 and the market has adapted to them so  that determined holdout creditors can  
  • 01:12:36 get blocking positions in the bonds and thereby  stymie the use of a collective action clause. 
  • 01:12:44 The question is, do we do anything more? There  are those who are arguing, David, as you have just  
  • 01:12:53 alluded to, that we should resurrect the idea of a  statutory sovereign debt restructuring mechanism,  
  • 01:13:02 perhaps not as aggressive as the sovereign debt  restructuring mechanism the IMF proposed in 2002,  
  • 01:13:12 but some statutory intervention, at least in the  jurisdictions like the United States and the UK,  
  • 01:13:21 where most of the cross border emerging markets  sovereign debt obligations are governed.  
  • 01:13:29 Difficult because it obviously is a political  decision, but not impossible and the UK did  
  • 01:13:37 something like this, a modest measure back in  2010, in the context of the HIPC Initiative. I  
  • 01:13:46 think there are other things that one could  do, but probably that's another phone call. 
  • 01:13:53 [David Malpass] Lee, that that was great.  
  • 01:13:57 We have the hook too close. This was a really  great panel, raised a lot of issues that we can  
  • 01:14:04 focus on. Just to close, I think because we  don't have a fix for all of this and there is  
  • 01:14:14 a joint interest between creditors, between  the governments of the debtor countries and  
  • 01:14:19 between the people of the debtor countries in  getting new investment, everyone has, in a way,  
  • 01:14:25 worked together on this to make it better going  forward, so that's the point of our transparency  
  • 01:14:30 report. It's called Debt Transparency and it's on  the World Bank web site. I want to greatly thank  
  • 01:14:38 Carmen Reinhart, my colleague at the World Bank  and chief economist here, Lee Buchheit, Joyce  
  • 01:14:43 Chang and Paul Gruenwald for the great panel.  Thank you everybody. I'll say goodbye. Thanks all. 
  • 01:14:52 [Lee Buchheit] Thanks everyone.

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Senior Debt Specialist, Macroeconomics Trade and Investment, World Bank
Senior Debt Specialist, Macroeconomics, Trade & Investment, World Bank

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